Wednesday, December 30, 2009
Happy Kwanzaa
Peace and Blessings!
J
DEFINITION OF KWANZAA:
Kwanzaa is a unique African American celebration with focus on the traditional African values of family, community responsibility, commerce, and self-improvement. Kwanzaa is neither political nor religious and despite some misconceptions, is not a substitute for Christmas. It is simply a time of reaffirming African-American people, their ancestors and culture. Kwanzaa, which means "first fruits of the harvest" in the African language Kiswahili, has gained tremendous acceptance. Since its founding in 1966 by Dr. Maulana Karenga, Kwanzaa has come to be observed by more than18 million people worldwide, as reported by the New York Times. When establishing Kwanzaa in 1966, Dr. Karenga included an additional "a" to the end of the spelling to reflect the difference between the African American celebration (kwanzaa) and the Motherland spelling (kwanza).
Kwanzaa is based on the Nguzo Saba (seven guiding principles), one for each day of the observance, and is celebrated from December 26th to January 1st.
Umoja (oo-MO-jah) Unity stresses the importance of togetherness for the family and the community, which is reflected in the African saying, "I am We," or "I am because We are."
Kujichagulia (koo-gee-cha-goo-LEE-yah) Self-Determination requires that we define our common interests and make decisions that are in the best interest of our family and community.
Ujima (oo-GEE-mah) Collective Work and Responsibility reminds us of our obligation to the past, present and future, and that we have a role to play in the community, society, and world.
Ujamaa (oo-JAH-mah) Cooperative economics emphasizes our collective economic strength and encourages us to meet common needs through mutual support.
Nia (NEE-yah) Purpose encourages us to look within ourselves and to set personal goals that are beneficial to the community.
Kuumba (koo-OOM-bah) Creativity makes use of our creative energies to build and maintain a strong and vibrant community.
Imani (ee-MAH-nee) Faith focuses on honoring the best of our traditions, draws upon the best in ourselves, and helps us strive for a higher level of life for humankind, by affirming our self-worth and confidence in our ability to succeed and triumph in righteous struggle.
CELEBRATING KWANZAA:
As it is always better to get an early start, I suggest that you begin the first week in December by making a check list for the following items: A Kinara (candle holder); Mkeka (placemat preferably made of straw); Mazao (crops, i.e., fruits and vegetables); Vibunzi/Muhindi (ears of corn to reflect the number of children in the household); Kikombe cha umoja (communal unity cup); Mishumaa saba (seven candles, one black, three red, and three green); and Zawadi (gifts that are enriching).
It is important that the Kinara not be confused with the menorah.* The Kinara holds seven candles to reflect the seven principles which are the foundation of Kwanzaa. If you don't have a Kinara and don't know where to get one, it is suggested that you use "kuumba" (creativity) and make one. A 2x4 or a piece of driftwood will do just fine, and screw-in candle holders can be purchased in most hardware stores. The Mkeka (place mat) shouldn't present a problem. While straw is suggested because it is traditional, cloth makes an adequate substitute. If cloth is used, one with an African print is preferred. The other symbols are easy to come by and warrant no further discussion other than to caution against placing the Mazao (crops)in a cornucopia which is Western. A plain straw basket or a bowl will do just fine. One last note, even households without any children should place an ear of corn on the place mat to symbolize the African concept of social parenthood. All seven symbols are creatively placed on top of the place mat, i.e., the symbols should be attractively arranged as they form the Kwanzaa centerpiece.
DECORATING THE HOME:
The Kinara along with the other symbols of Kwanzaa should dominate the room, which should be given an African motif. This is easily achieved and shouldn't result in too much expense. The colors of Kwanzaa are black, red and green. This should be kept in mind when decorating the home. Black, red and green streamers, balloons, cloth, flowers, and African prints can be hung tastefully around the room. Original art and sculpture may be displayed as well.
GIFTS:
Kuumba (creativity) is greatly encouraged. Not only is Kuumba one of the seven principles, it also brings a sense of personal satisfaction and puts one squarely into the spirit of Kwanzaa. Therefore, those symbols that can be made, should be made. The giving of gifts during Kwanzaa should be affordable and of an educational or artistic nature. Gifts are usually exchanged between parents and children and traditionally given on January 1st, the last day of Kwanzaa. However, gift giving during Kwanzaa may occur at any time.
THE KWANZAA FEAST OR KARAMU:
The Kwanzaa Karumu is traditionally held on December 31st (participants celebrating New Year's Eve, should plan their Karamu early in the evening). It is a very special event as it is the one Kwanzaa event that brings us closer to our African roots. The Karamu is a communal and cooperative effort. Ceremonies and cultural expressions are highly encouraged. It is important to decorate the place where the Karamu will be held, (e.g., home, community center, church) in an African motif that utilizes black, red, and green color scheme. A large Kwanzaa setting should dominate the room where the karamu will take place. A large Mkeka should be placed in the center of the floor where the food should be placed creatively and made accessible to all for self-service. Prior to and during the feast, an informative and entertaining program should be presented. Traditionally, the program involved welcoming, remembering, reassessment, recommitment and rejoicing, concluded by a farewell statement and a call for greater unity.
Monday, December 28, 2009
Facebook Friends
J
Saturday, December 26, 2009
Restoration
"And I will restore to you the years that the locust hath eaten, the cankerworm, and the caterpillar, and the palmerworm..." Joel 2:25
Each new year brings about a time of renewal, and we especially need it after such a dark year in 2009. Many great things happened this year, especially with the election of our nation's first African-American president. If you have life, health and strength you are also extremely blessed because we know that death took many people away from us this year. As I stated in an earlier blog it seemed as if the death angel hovered especially close this year.
Along with renewal, I believe that this new year is going to be a time of restoration. God is going to restore our dreams and visions and make them come to pass. All we have to do is be open and receptive to His plan. So my prayer for all of us is for complete restoration. All those goals you have put on the back burner for any number of reasons, remember them once again and believe God to do it. If God said it, that settles it!
J
Thursday, December 24, 2009
Merry Christmas
J
Tuesday, December 22, 2009
The Not So Great Christmas Gift
The health care bill had already been watered down to not include the public option, which was the only real reform. To add insult to injury the senate allowed one person, Joe Lieberman, to demand that the medicare expansion compromise be removed.
At this point I would rather this bill be thrown in the trash heap than to have it pass. I know the president is hungry for a win in this health care battle, but if this current bill passes the victory will be hollow at best and could come back to haunt him. This is not the reform the majority of Americans hoped for. The tea bagger revolt was given too much power and the liberal response was weak. I guess in this instance silence gave consent. That was a favorite saying of my great-grandmother. Too many of us on the left stood by and said nothing. Where were our protests for real health care reform? Was is overshadowed in the media by the tea bagger wing nuts? Or did it exist at all?
Each and every one of us needs to take some responsibility for this fiasco. If you did not call or write your local members of congress you have some culpability. And I wrote "you" on purpose because I made my calls and I used my own little bully pulpit to the best of my ability. If what I said hit a little close to home, well it's not too late. If this bill passes the Senate, which it appears that it will happen no later than Christmas Eve, then the bigger hurdle will be getting it passe the house. Pick up your phones and pens and let your opinion be known. We want REAL health care reform, not this sham of a bill! There is no option without the public option.
J
Monday, December 21, 2009
Pet Lovers
J
Many of us are rushing around buying last minute holiday gifts. We are rushing to crowded malls, competing for parking spots and waiting in checkout lines. So why do we do it? To show our friends and loved ones we care. I'm sure that most of my readers will also have a little something for your dog under the tree this year - a toy, a special treat or a new collar. These things are great, and they'll make your dog happy. But for some dogs, it just isn't enough. If your dog fits into this special category, I want you to consider giving your dog another very special gift this year...The gift of HEALTH! How many times have you heard it said, "If you've got your heath, you have everything"? Well that's true for dogs, too. To keep your dog healthy, he will need good medical care. This is especially important if your dog ever faces a serious disease like cancer, a life-threatening injury or bloat. These medical problems would be very expensive to treat, unless your dog has health insurance.If your dog doesn't have health insurance, please consider getting it for him as a very special holiday gift. I think PurinaCare® pet health insurance offers particularly good plans. Should he need them, PurinaCare® pet health insurance offers plans to help cover the cost of most of your dog's treatments, surgeries, lab fees, X-rays, and much more. Plans are also available to help cover certain preventive care treatments that help keep your dog healthy and happy.Most of us will spare no expense to care for our beloved dogs. They are such an important part of our lives. Our homes would feel empty without them. But how would you feel if you couldn't afford to give your precious dog the medical care he needed? Treatment can often be very expensive. Some conditions cost thousands of dollars to treat. These days, money is tighter than ever. If your dog were facing a life-threatening illness or injury and you couldn't afford to pay for his care, you would have no choice but to put your poor dog down. That's something we never want to do.So today I want to encourage you to take a minute to learn about the many benefits of pet insurance. Find out what it can do for you and your dog. PurinaCare® has plans for different budgets. It will only take a minute to get a free quote, and there is no obligation to buy.Give your dog the gift of health this year. Go to purinacare.com and get an instant quote for your dog today. You'll be so glad that you did.
Saturday, December 19, 2009
Christmas Music
J
Thursday, December 17, 2009
Reason for the Season
Isaiah 9:6
Let's remember what it's all about!
J
Wednesday, December 16, 2009
Health Care Reform??
J
Tuesday, December 15, 2009
R.I.P. Kowan Paul
J
Monday, December 14, 2009
Happy Monday!
J
Saturday, December 12, 2009
President Obama's Nobel Peace Prize Speech
J
The text of President Obama's Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech, delivered Thursday in Oslo, Norway, as provided by the White House:
Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Distinguished Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:
I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations — that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.
And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who have received this prize — Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela — my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened of cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women — some known, some obscure to all but those they help — to be far more deserving of this honor than I.
But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 43 other countries — including Norway — in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.
Still, we are at war, and I am responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill. Some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the cost of armed conflict — filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.
These questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease — the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.
Over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers, clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when it meets certain preconditions: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the forced used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.
For most of history, this concept of just war was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations — total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it is hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.
In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another World War. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations — an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this Prize — America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide and restrict the most dangerous weapons.
In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty, self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.
A decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.
Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts, the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies and failed states have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed and children scarred.
I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.
We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth that we will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations — acting individually or in concert — will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.
I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: It merely creates new and more complicated ones." As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life's work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there is nothing weak, nothing passive, nothing naive in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.
But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. A nonviolent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. Negotiations cannot convince al-Qaidas leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism — it is a recognition of history, the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.
I raise this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter the cause. At times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the worlds sole military superpower.
Yet the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions — not just treaties and declarations — that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest — because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other people's children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.
So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another — that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldiers courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause and to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.
So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly irreconcilable truths — that war is sometimes necessary, and war is at some level an expression of human folly. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions."
What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?
To begin with, I believe that all nations — strong and weak alike — must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I — like any head of state — reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards strengthens those who do, and isolates — and weakens — those who dont.
The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait — a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.
Furthermore, America cannot insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. For when we don't, our action can appear arbitrary, and undercut the legitimacy of future intervention — no matter how justified.
This becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.
I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That is why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.
America's commitment to global security will never waver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.
The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries — and other friends and allies — demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they have shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular. But I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That is why NATO continues to be indispensable. That is why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That is why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali — we honor them not as makers of war, but as wagers of peace.
Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant — the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.
Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe that the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed America's commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. And we honor those ideals by upholding them not just when it is easy, but when it is hard.
I have spoken to the questions that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me turn now to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.
First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to change behavior — for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure — and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.
One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work toward disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I am working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia's nuclear stockpiles.
But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.
The same principle applies to those who violate international law by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo or repression in Burma — there must be consequences. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.
This brings me to a second point — the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based upon the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.
It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.
And yet all too often, these words are ignored. In some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation's development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists — a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values.
I reject this choice. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please, choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither America's interests — nor the worlds — are served by the denial of human aspirations.
So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear to these movements that hope and history are on their side.
Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach — and condemnation without discussion — can carry forward a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.
In light of the Cultural Revolution's horrors, Nixon's meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable — and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty, and connected to open societies. Pope John Paul's engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagan's efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There is no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.
Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights — it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.
It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they need to survive. It does not exist where children cannot aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.
And that is why helping farmers feed their own people — or nations educate their children and care for the sick — is not mere charity. It is also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, famine and mass displacement that will fuel more conflict for decades. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and activists who call for swift and forceful action — it is military leaders in my country and others who understand that our common security hangs in the balance.
Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All of these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, or the staying power, to complete this work without something more — and that is the continued expansion of our moral imagination, an insistence that there is something irreducible that we all share.
As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are, to understand that we all basically want the same things, that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.
And yet, given the dizzying pace of globalization, and the cultural leveling of modernity, it should come as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish about their particular identities — their race, their tribe and, perhaps most powerfully, their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we are moving backwards. We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.
Most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint — no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or even a person of one's own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but the purpose of faith — for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. We are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.
But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The nonviolence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached — their faith in human progress — must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.
For if we lose that faith — if we dismiss it as silly or naive, if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace — then we lose what is best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.
Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago: "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present nature makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him."
So let us reach for the world that ought to be — that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. Somewhere today, in the here and now, a soldier sees he's outgunned but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, who believes that a cruel world still has a place for his dreams.
Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of deprivation, and still strive for dignity. We can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that — for that is the story of human progress; that is the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.
Friday, December 11, 2009
Dealing With Grief Part 5
- How to handle grief during the holidays.
- The healing letters.
- Comfort found in the Bible.
- The power of prayer in dealing with grief.
So far the discussion has been directed to the grieving. Now let's discuss how you can be supportive to someone in their time of bereavement.
- The most important thing you can do is LISTEN. Encourage them to talk about their loss and share memories. Let them know they have someone to talk to when they need it.
- Spend time with them. Do not allow them to completely isolate themselves, it's unhealthy. Get their mind off their grief and show them that life goes on. Do something fun. Distraction is good!
- Invite them to church. Sometimes you might not have the right words to say, trust me, they will find just what they need in a well balanced Bible preaching church. Trust God to meet them there and bless them.
- If you see that they are sinking into depression and may need to see a professional, encourage them to seek counseling and support groups. I'm a firm believer in natural and spiritual help.
These are just a few suggestions on how you can help someone you care about in their time of grief. You never know when you may be the one who needs comforting, so make it a habit to show the same kindness to others. At some point we all lose people we love, just make sure no one has to go through it alone.
J
Thursday, December 10, 2009
Dealing With Grief Part 4
Now we will deal with handling grief during the holidays. I touched on this briefly in Part 1. The following tips were found at the website http://www.griefnet.org/. I suggest you visit the site as it elaborates more on the following points:
- Decide what you can handle comfortably and let family and friends know.
- Make some changes if they feel comfortable for you.
- Re-examine your priorities: greeting cards, holiday baking, decorating, putting up a tree, family dinner, etc.
- Consider doing something special for someone else.
- Recognize your loved one's presence in the family.
- If you decide to do holiday shopping, make a list ahead of time and keep it handy for a good day, or shop through a catalogue or on-line.
- Observe the holidays in ways which are comfortable for you.
- Try to get enough rest, holidays can be emotionally and physically draining.
- Allow yourself to express your feelings.
- Keep in mind that the experience of many bereaved persons is that they do come to enjoy the holidays again. There will be other holiday seasons to celebrate.
- Don't be afraid to have fun.
- Find a support group where you live.
Please visit the above mentioned website for more details on those tips. Just also remember that everyone handles grief differently. One person may not show any outward sign, and it doesn't diminish their internal pain. Someone else might be more emotional. Another person might choose to be alone (if that is the case I suggest you check on the person from time to time).
So far our discussion has been directed to the individuals grieving. Tomorrow we will wrap with a short review and discuss how you who are not grieving can be supportive of those who are.
J
Wednesday, December 9, 2009
Dealing With Grief Part 3
Psalms 31:19
147:3
46:1
30:5
Matthew 5:4
John 14:18; 27
16:33
Take comfort in prayer and in reading these scriptures and my prayer for you is that God blanket your troubled heart with the peace that passes all understanding and the warmth of love.
J
Tuesday, December 8, 2009
Dealing With Grief Part 2
That's a tough question and it's an issue that makes the grieving process much more difficult. It can cause you to be stuck in a particular phase of grief, such as anger. It's not always negative unresolved issues. Sometimes we can feel guilt because we didn't show the love toward someone that we should have or didn't appreciate them until it was too late. That's when the finality of death can hit you like a ton of bricks. All the things left unsaid.
I'll never forget watching an Oprah episode about 15 years ago. I can't remember the guest's name but she had written a book about "healing" letters. You might be able to Google it and find out more information. It literally changed my life and helped me to deal with my grief concerning my mother and father.
I had so many questions for the both of them regarding their life choices and parenting. My father was taken from us unexpectedly and I felt robbed, especially since I had only met him three years before he died. Like so many of us do, I guess I thought I had all the time in the world to work on our issues. My mother, on the other hand, had a terminal illness. We still didn't have that much time because she died about a year after receiving her diagnosis. There were so many times during that year that I wanted to talk to her about my feelings, but we were so busy fighting the illness that anything else took a back seat. I didn't know what to do with all those feelings. I didn't know how to accept the fact that my questions would simply never be answered. I had to move on. Let me tell you, it's easier said than done.
The guest on that Oprah episode talked about the healing affect of putting your thoughts and feelings on paper. She said to write a letter to your deceased (or living) loved one. Although they will never receive it or be able to respond, you are able to release the bottled up emotions and free yourself. At that point my grief was so raw I was willing to try anything. Boy, did the flood gates open as I starting writing my letters. I had no idea how much I had suppressed regarding my mother. When I was done I had almost ten typed (single spaced) pages. I still have the letter and when I read it I can hardly recognize myself. It was the best thing that could have happened to me. I was amazed that the very second I was done, even before the letter was done printing, I felt as if a ton of weight had lifted off my shoulders. I literally felt light. I had a good cry reading over the letter and that was it! After that experience I wrote letters to my father, and even some family members and friends still living. Now I did not send any of them to the living, but I still got about as much relief as I did from the letters to the deceased.
I shared all this to challenge you to do the same. Start with the person you have the most issues with, living or dead, and sit down and write your letter. Allow yourself the time and space to do it in private. The most important thing is to be completely honest and pour your heart out. The letter is for your eyes only unless you choose to share it. You'll be surprised what you learn about yourself in the process. I realized so much about myself as I examined my relationship with my mother through my letter.
I would love to hear from you if you choose to take the challenge. I hope and pray that you get as much healing as I did from my letters.
J
Monday, December 7, 2009
Dealing With Grief Part 1
Dare to remember?
I think it's safe to say that no one wants to be forgotten. We all want to make some sort of mark that is left in this world. Whether it be from our benevolent acts of kindness, to nurturing healthy well rounded children, ministry to the community, you name it. We especially want to be remembered by our loved ones to whom we make the greatest impact.
Don't fool yourself into thinking that the easiest way to deal with grief is to forget. That is impossible and can lead to unhealthy behavior to help you suppress your memories such as alcohol, drugs, or even isolation.
One of the best ways to honor your departed is to treasure your memories. As each one of us are human and make mistakes, you will have good and sometimes bad memories of lost loved ones. It's okay to remember the good, bad and ugly. There is a danger in concentrating on the negative which I will not get into in this first exploration of grief. I'm basically dealing with the good people you may have lost.
There are many ways to enjoy the memories of those gone on before us. I have had some of the most fulfilling conversations with my nieces and nephews about my mother and their grandmother who died before most of them were born. I'll bring out my photo albums and share fond memories and stories with them. They never fail to be completely engrossed and ask tons of questions. In doing this I am allowing her memory to live on and our family history. Make a memory book with photos, newspaper clippings, written stories, etc. about your loved ones. You will especially appreciate doing this as you get older and the memories begin to fade. Make a point of including your deceased loved one in your holiday get together. Share laughs from fond memories, make a donation to charity in their name, or any other way that you can think to incorporate them in your holiday season. Cherish your memories, because they can never be taken away. Remember that your loved one would not want you to be so chained to the past that you are not living in the present and looking to your future! Life is for the living, but made rich by the people who have crossed your path in your journey. Yes, dare to remember!